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close together, but that must be because the FFPI s Factor V has little to do with intellect: Sizable differences between the two would be expected on measured intelligence (Millon, personal communication, September 29, 1999). For a proper assessment of personality, the inclusion of intelligence is indispensable. There is no good reason, however, to contaminate typical behavior and maximum performance. On the contrary, there are good reasons to separate the operations. One is that objective measurement of intelligence is more scienti c than its assessment, however intersubjective that assessment may be. Another is that methods are not neutral: Abilities and tests of maximum performance are as closely associated as are stylistic traits and assessments of typical behavior. To include ability items in questionnaires can only obscure the view on intelligence. With respect to concepts of temperament and character, state-of-the-art assessment would include a 5-D questionnaire as a baseline instrument, and novel concepts would have to prove their added value against that background. According to the same principle of parsimony, however, 5-D factors have to prove their added value over measured intelligence. Precisely because personality and intelligence belong together, objective measures of intelligence should be included in investigating the structure of personality. In view of the scienti c primacy of intelligence, its variance should be partialled out of the questionnaire scores. While in the process, attitudinal factors, which are out of bounds in most de nitions of personality, should be removed in the same manner. They, too, are empirically correlated with certain versions of Factor V, particularly with openness to experience (Saucier, 2002a). With these corrections, it is entirely conceivable that little would remain of Factor V.

physical world. This understanding sets place identity alongside and independent of self-identity, rather than subsumed within it. Although it may be possible to discuss the relationship between the physical environment and identity without reference to a group, to have two forms of identity would focus discussion on whether identity was more social or more place. This would not seem to be useful in explanatory terms. In addition, it contradicts environmental psychologists transactional perspective on place (Saegert & Winkel, 1990). Although we agree with Proshansky that self theorists have neglected the physical environment, we would suggest that rather than there being a separate part of identity concerned with place, all aspects of identity will, to a greater or lesser extent, have place-related implications. Although place identity is seen to be a crucial part of the relationship between self and environment, Proshansky never really operationalized the concept. Breakwell s (1986) identity process model, with its constructs of distinctiveness, continuity, self-esteem, and self-ef cacy, provides such an investigatory and analytical framework. Although these constructs have a particularly social orientation in Breakwell s formulation, they nevertheless would seem to have useful transfer relevance to other dimensions of identity, including place (Bonaiuto, Breakwell, & Cano, 1996; Uzzell, 1995). For example, distinctiveness and continuity are essential elements in Korpela (1989) and Lalli s (1992) conceptualizations of place identity. One important mechanism through which place identity is supported is place attachment. Spencer and Woolley (2000), for example, argued that children gain their personal identity through place attachment. Place attachment refers to an emotional bonding between individuals and their life spaces, which could be the home, the neighborhood, or places and spaces at a larger scale (Altman & Low, 1992; Giuliani, 1991; Giuliani & Feldman, 1993).